A | The Biden administration is drafting a $100 billion foreign aid package that includes assistance for Israel as well as other top security priorities, according to two people familiar with the details.Details on the spending request were still being finalized ahead of an official request sent by the White House to Congress this week.One person told ABC News that the “bulk” of the assistance will likely go toward Ukraine, while others also said that it included $10 billion for Israel. The officials spoke on condition of anonymity in order to discuss details that hadn't been announced yet by the White House.The request comes as President Joe Biden travels to Israel in a show of unity with the Jewish state following the brutal Oct. 7 attack on civilians by Hamas terrorists from Gaza.On Capitol Hill, Senate leaders suggested Tuesday that such a sweeping aid package would find support among lawmakers."We'd like to get the supplemental package moved as quickly as possible because the needs are great in both Israel and Ukraine," said Senate Democratic Leader Chuck Schumer of New York.Republican Leader Mitch McConnell said he would support bundling aid for Ukraine and Israel and that he expects the administration to include money for border security, too."The border part of it needs to be credible, not just some reference to it but a credible deal," he told reporters.Bloomberg was first to report the $100 billion total.The aid proposal for Israel follows extensive discussions between the two countries, with Israel appearing to opt -- at least for now -- against a massive ground invasion of Gaza, even as international groups accuse Israel of worsening a humanitarian crisis by not allowing food or water into Gaza and cutting off electricity.Behind closed doors, Biden officials have grown deeply worried about hardliners within Israel pushing for a scorched-earth military response that wouldn't do enough to prevent civilian casualties, according to a senior administration official who spoke on condition of anonymity. At one point this week, aides believed that only the president himself could convince officials there that allowing humanitarian aid in Gaza would be in their country’s best security interests.When asked about those discussions, White House National Security Council spokesman John Kirby said they’re not telling the Israeli military how to operate and that civilians should be protected. At the same time, following the law of war is critical and something Biden has pressed Israel on, he said.“Since almost the very, very beginning here, we have been talking about how important it is for democracies, like Israel and the United States, to stand up for the law of war, to respect innocent civilian life, unlike Hamas. So this is a foundational element of the discussions that we've had with the Israelis for forever, and we'll continue to do that going forward," Kirby told ABC's "Good Morning America."Following lengthy meetings earlier this week between Secretary of State Antony Blinken and his Israeli counterpart, the two allies seemed to have reached some kind of consensus. Details of the aid package are now circulating among U.S. officials as Biden is en route to the region.Budget experts say Israel’s assistance needs aren’t likely to be urgent due to a 2016 agreement that provides Israel $3.8 billion a year over 10 years. More pressing, they say, is Ukraine, which has run out of long-term funding as it seeks to fend off Russia.Some House Republicans have questioned the need for more U.S. aid to Ukraine. By tying Ukraine and Israeli aid in a single legislative package, the White House would make it harder for GOP hardliners -- who are staunch allies of Israel -- to reject it.Pro-Israeli groups have also called on Biden to include at least $500 million in grant funding for Jewish communities in the U.S. to protect synagogues and other community sites due to threats. It was not immediately clear if that request was part of Biden’s aid package as of Tuesday.ABC's Chief Global Affairs Correspondent Martha Raddatz and ABC reporters Justin Gomez and Shannon Crawford contributed to this report.。
B | 贺希宁在国家队逐渐找到了更加明确的进攻定位，他并不是传统意义上的组织核心，却能够利用投射、转换进攻以及身体对抗直接解决问题；焦泊乔同样是这两场比赛值得继续观察的球员，首战15分钟8投6中得到14分，他的机动性和能够拉到外线投篮的特点，为中国队内线提供了不同于胡金秋的选择。
C | 但第一场比赛其实已经埋下了第二场的问题。中国男篮能够领先，很大程度建立在防守反击和外线高命中率之上，一旦这些优势消失，阵地进攻依然很容易陷入停滞。首战第二节乌拉圭就曾打出13-5完成反超，第三节中国队又在取得优势后被对手连续追分。换句话说，中国男篮现在有能力打出一段非常好的篮球，但还缺少把这种状态稳定维持40分钟的能力。热身赛里三分可以连续命中，但真正到了世预赛，对手不会允许你一直舒服地完成第一传和第一挡拆。
D | 如果外线只有三成左右的命中率，球队到底靠谁持续创造高质量机会？这是比一场比赛输赢重要得多的问题。第二场比赛则把这个短板进一步放大。中国队对阵容进行了明显调整，赵继伟进入比赛名单，蒋浩然替代胡金秋，首发则变成廖三宁、焦泊乔、王俊杰、朱俊龙和贺希宁。半场中国男篮已经39-48落后，廖三宁5投1中得到2分，王俊杰虽然贡献篮板、助攻、抢断和盖帽，但同时出现3次失误。这场失利当然不能简单理解为“中国男篮退步了”，因为郭士强明显在测试不同人员组合，但它至少证明了一件事情：当中国队失去胡金秋这个极其稳定的终结点，同时反击数量下降以后，现阶段的半场进攻还没有成熟到可以依靠体系稳定解决问题。一旦后卫突破第一道防线的能力不足、挡拆之后无法吸引两人防守，整个进攻很容易变成外围传导几次之后的强投。
E | 这也是为什么一胜一负反而比两场轻松大胜更有价值。现在这支中国男篮最大的进步，是越来越多人敢于在国家队比赛中承担责任。贺希宁可以得分，焦泊乔能够提供另一种内线打法，王俊杰、李弘权等锋线提供尺寸和运动能力，球队的防守资源实际上并不差。但最大的问题同样清晰：中国男篮仍然缺少真正能够在国际比赛高压环境下持续改变对方防守结构的持球点。很多时候我们的进攻建立在“防下来以后跑起来”，一旦对手退防到位，中国队就必须经历大量横向传球才能寻找机会，而这恰恰是亚洲高水平比赛最后几分钟最容易出现问题的地方。因此，对这两场热身赛最合适的评价不是“赢球就好”或者“输给乌拉圭不能接受”，而是下限正在提高，上限仍然取决于进攻端能否找到真正稳定的解法。
F | 中国男篮已经不太容易在身体对抗面前直接崩掉，锋线厚度和防守积极性也值得肯定，但如何减少进攻断电、怎样在没有反击的情况下稳定得分、后卫线谁能真正掌控比赛节奏，这些问题仍然没有完全解决。接下来真正的压力才刚刚开始。中国男篮将在8月底迎来世界杯亚洲区预选赛第四窗口期，先客场面对卡塔尔，再回到主场迎战黎巴嫩；此前第一阶段球队取得3胜3负，已经没有太多犯错空间。各位JRS，你们如何评价中国男篮这两场的表现？
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